Private Governance by Edward Peter Stringham was an
excellent and truly enjoyable book. The title by itself succinctly makes a
libertarian point: governance does not have to come from the government. Too
often unthoughtful commentators forget this very basic point. If the government
fails to govern effectively, or if there is no governing entity, private
institutions fill the gaps. How well or how poorly private institutions can
provide governance is an empirical question. Stringham provides several
real-world examples in which the government is totally absent, is indifferent to a
problem requiring adjudication/enforcement, or is incompetent at policing a
problem. His book explores privately supplied rules, private rule enforcement, and
private adjudication, which are often perfectly adequate to solve existing problems.
Some passages that I highlighted:
Focusing on actual rather than hypothetical examples
eliminates the need to speculate about whether certain problems could be
solved. For example, one need not debate whether complex financial transactions
can take place without external enforcement (something that Olson [1996]
asserts is impossible), if one can observe them taking place for centuries.
It really is funny that there is so much navel-gazing on
what is at its heart an empirical question. The relative performance of private
vs government supplied governance is a question that can’t be answered without
real world data and examples. Once again, the book provides several.
[The analogy of the ‘fox guarding the chicken coop’]
implies that a stock exchange will create rules that help brokers at the
expense of investors, an apartment complex will create rules at the expense of
tenants, or a firm will create rules at the expense of its employees. The
implication is that government , as a disinterested third party, is better
suited to create rules than members of a given industry.
This is a very odd assumption, that someone is
interested in effectively solving your problems for you just because they hold
the levers of power. The relationships described in this passage are voluntary
bi-lateral agreements. They are disciplined by the threat of exit by either
party, so brokers, landlords, and firms are compelled to offer better terms
than other brokers, landlords, and firms. (Investors, tenants, and employees
decide which of these institutions make the best offer and choose to associate
with them.) Government, on the other hand, faces only very weak feedback if it
misbehaves or offers a terrible product. Many commentators get this exactly
backwards and somehow reach the conclusion that government is *more* responsive
than businesses to the needs of those businesses’ customers.
Go into the Exchange in London, that place more venerable
than many a court, and you will see representatives of all the nations
assembled there for the profit of mankind. There the Jew, the Mahometan, and
the Christian deal with one another as if they were of the same religion, and
reserve the name of infidel for those who go bankrupt.
This quote by Voltaire is at the
intro of chapter 5. It’s a lovely comment on how commerce tames our baser
instincts. Misbehaving tends to lose you money in the long run. Behaving
yourself and developing a good reputation for fairness and honesty serve your
long-run interests a lot better. Even someone motivated entirely by greed will
tend to behave well, so long as they are governed by their long-term
self-interest.
When the Securities Act and the
Securities Exchange Act were implemented in 1933 and 1934, they simply mandated
many of the requirements that the New York Stock Exchange had already adopted.
This passage comes from chapter 6,
on the history of New York financial exchanges. As with many things, private
governance came first. The legislated law simply codified an informal legal
order that emerged in the private sphere. In other words, the law already existed. The government just affirmed it.
The government officials were
hardly experts. [Peter Thiel] stated, “The level of incompetence we dealt with
was amazing.” At the time he stated that the FBI did not “even have a working
email system.” In one case PayPal conducted an internal investigation and
determined that a man named Mr. Yagolnitser was defrauding the company of
money. After reporting the culprit to the authorities, law enforcement was of
little help.
The above passage is from a lovely
anecdote about PayPal’s exploits in the world of fraud detection. Pay Pal was
lightyears ahead of the FBI in detecting fraudulent transactions, but the FBI
was apparently uninterested in investigating actual crimes. This was a very clear
case of a private for-profit company solving a problem that the government was uninterested
in solving, even though this is exactly the kind of problem government is
charged with solving.
I am sure some people will
think, “It is unfair that paying customers receive service and people without
money to spare for the service do not.” Do not forget that for issues that
government considers unimportant, nobody receives responses.
The above passage is from a section on
San Francisco’s Patrol Special Police, an entirely private police force. It’s
often asserted that *only* government can supply the police. It’s important to
remember that we have instances (historical and current) that disprove this
assertion.
The next two passages dispel a
common man-on-the-street economic notion: that big institutions can get their
way on account of their “big-ness” and the little guy just has to take their
terms as given. This is the notion that “market power” allows the big guy to
trample the little guy.
Even if one party is larger and
offers the terms of adjudication on a take-it-or-leave-it basis, the
requirement for a compromissum creates incentives to maximize joint benefit and
minimize potential problems such as bias or waste. Suppose, for example, that
buyers on eBay accurately predict a 10 percent chance of the seller not
delivering and that eBay adjudication always found in favor of these delinquent
sellers (and suppose for the moment this 90 to 10 percent ratio is stable).
Here a $ 100 tie would be sold only for $ 90 (or less if we add risk aversion),
meaning the cost of any proseller bias would be borne by the seller. Whether
the sellers are big corporations and the buyers are little guys is irrelevant.
Rules that harm buyers negatively affect their willingness to pay for a
transaction.
…
Whether we are talking about
potential disputes between stockbrokers and clients, banks and customers, cell
phone carriers and users, or landlords and tenants, attempting to stack the
deck against one side does not pay when that party can adjust his willingness
to enter an agreement. The cost of biased rules or procedures is borne by the
party that the rules were intended to bias.
In other words, a big retailer, employer, bank, or landlord can make rules that
are biased in favor of themselves, but not without compensating their
customers, employees, lenders, or tenants for the burden of those biased rules.
It’s worth understanding this argument. Even if there are some special
circumstances in the real world where “market power” is real and significant, a
modern enlightened thinker needs to understand that there are competitive forces
working against it. There is a great deal of populist blather that totally ignores the role of competition.
The following part was a big surprise to me, even though it's not obviously connected to the book's general thesis:
The value of mortgage-backed
securities fell during the economic downturn, but because most underlying
mortgages continue to pay, they have actually performed quite well in the long
run. Figure 11.4 shows the growth from 2004 to 2014 of $ 10,000 invested in
mortgage-backed securities funds from BlackRock, JP Morgan, Legg Mason Western
Asset, PIMCO, Prudential, and Vanguard (BGPAX, OMBAX, SGSYX , PTRIX, TGMBX, and
VMBIX). While a $ 10,000 investment in high-yield municipal bonds would have
increased to $ 14,334 during this time, a $ 10,000 investment in
mortgage-backed securities would have increased to between $ 15,964 and $ 16,540
depending on the fund chosen.
Read the entire chapter for the
details and nuance, but in short those awful, toxic assets that supposedly
destroyed our financial markets were actually pretty decent investments.
Credit default swaps have been
vilified by economically illiterate comedians such as Jon Stewart and scores of
politicians.
If you’re someone who’s been “educated”
by Jon Stewart (on this topic or some other), ask yourself if you’ve really
been exposed to a contrary viewpoint. “Private Governance” has it. As a former (perhaps recovering?) Jon Stewart fan, I found this cheap shot amusing.
A couple quotes on the Bernie
Madoff affair, which is in my opinion a glorious failure of the federal
government’s attempt to govern:
The more important lesson,
however, is that many mechanisms of private governance that easily could have
prevented such fraud were available to investors, and they chose not to demand
them. Despite the fact that Madoff’s returns were questioned by many, none
demanded the private third-party administration and accounting services that
other hedge funds were using.
...
The Securities and Exchange
Commission ( Kotz, 2009 , p. 5) reports that “numerous private entities
conducted basic due diligence of Madoff’s operations and … came to the
conclusion that an investment with Madoff was unwise.”
...
Madoff’s $ 13 billion shortfall
also pales in comparison to the $ 20 trillion by which Social “Security” is
underfunded ( Kotlikoff, 2012 ). I have no respect for Madoff, but he at least
had decency to trick investors into his fraudulent scheme, rather than force
investors to hand over their money or force workers to “invest” 12.4 percent of
all earnings in a retirement scheme.
...
In 2000 Markopolos and
colleagues sent a report to the Securities and Exchange Commission stating that
“the entire fund is nothing more than a Ponzi Scheme” ( Kotz, 2009 , p. 7) and
followed up with additional complaints, including Markopolos’s 2005 report to
the Securities Exchange and Commission titled “The World’s Largest Hedge Fund
Is a Fraud.”
In other words, Madoff was handed
to the SEC on a silver platter. Private entities that scrutinized Madoff’s fund
found irregularities, if not slam-dunk proof of fraud. The policing function was
being supplied by private institutions, but Madoff’s investors couldn’t be bothered
to pay attention. It's not at all clear that the Madoff affair was a failure of the market to regulate itself. The self-regulating framework was clearly in place. It successfully identified the problem and even alerted the authorities. Neither Madoff's investors nor the federal government heeded the warning. It's patently bizarre to frame this episode as a failure of free markets.
I’ll share the following two
passages without commentary, other than to say I liked them:
Readers who have not had to deal
with financial or business regulations are invited to read the Code of Federal
Regulations. At 150,000 pages, it’s wildly interesting reading and not too hard
to keep up with: just read one hundred pages each day, and you can get through
the existing set of regulations in five years, and hope that they haven’t added
too many others by the time you are done. Many of my friends work as compliance
officers on Wall Street, and they say that although the regulations all but
guarantee them employment, they would not wish the regulations on their worst
enemy.
...
With little way to evaluate the
goodness of any given rule or the performance of any individual judge, the
public will be left wondering if the judge’s opinion or the legislature’s laws
are simply personal opinions shrouded in false cloak of justice. Without
profits and losses providing a feedback mechanism, judges and legislatures have
little way of determining Hayek’s nomos or law of liberty.
The book closes with the
following beautiful passage:
Private governance, in all of
its forms— driven principally by the reliable engine of self-interest— brings
people together to cooperate and to expand the scope of mutually beneficial
exchange. With so much at stake and so much to gain, providers of private
governance constantly experiment and collaborate to discover ways of
eliminating problems. The mechanisms of private governance are potentially
limitless. They facilitate cooperation in close-knit groups and among relative
strangers. They facilitate cooperation between billions of people across
political boundaries and anywhere where the government legal system is not
capable of or uninterested in facilitating exchange. Private governance is
responsible for cooperation in simple informal markets as well as the most
advanced markets: stock markets, insurance markets, futures markets, and
electronic commerce. Private governance makes markets work. Private governance
replaces threats of coercion with numerous noncoercive mechanisms that expand
the scope of trade, and it should be seen as one of the most successful peace
projects in the history of the world.
I'm a self-identified anarcho-capitalist. I think almost everything the government does could be done better by private institutions. I have lingering doubts that you could privatize absolutely *everything*. But I have little doubt we could move 90% of the way there and things would get better and better without getting worse. I'm comfortably agnostic on whether things would deteriorate somewhere on that final span of 10%. I know that this is a fringe belief and that many people are uncomfortable with it. Reading
Private Governance reminded me that my anarcho-capitalist beliefs are intellectually respectable.